The firm and its size is a market phenomenon; the market decides the size of the firm. Coase nailed this. What drives the formation of firms is capital formation and scale of capital. Interestingly, this is reflected in the development of Common Law with the emergence of joint stock companies. Interesting but not surprising because free markets, which are rooted in inalienable property rights, is the ground of Common law.
Telstra
Is not a free market firm. Monopolies exist only when politicians impose them, and that is the origin of Telstra, under its first name, Telecom. Concentration, how many firms, bye the bye, contrary to the fiction bound falshehood of perfect competition, is not the definition of a competitive market. More-over, to speak of market is if, as in this case, telecommunications is homogeneous, is nonsense. There is no single market in telecommunication. So numbers of firms and capital scales, and what needs to be put in place, physical capital, in any period, has not been discovered by entrepreneurs and investors as guided by the valuations of customers. The whole shambolic business of telecommunications in Australia is due to what monopoly amounts, a political-bureaucratic attempt to beat markets and that is how monopolies are formed, as bureaucracies.
The Right, addicted to the fiction of perfect competition assumed breaking up monopolies or, as in the case of Telstra, ‘privatising’ them but hedging them by regulations to effect perfect competition, eliminates the burdens imposed through monopolies. There is a problem internal to Telstra’s investments that rubs against the regulations imposed on it, its shareholders’ inalienable property rights in the capital. Trujillo has fought a rearguard action on this on the count of; if Telstra develops new technology, it is under the regulations immediately forced to supply the new equipment to other firms. There is nothing wrong with fighting this at all.
Consider it. You develop new comms equipment for business or consumers and it is others who get to reap greater profits because they get to reduplicate that which they did not have to invest from development to production. You would, rightly, jump on toes, legs and arms of politicians and bureaucrats for overthrowing your property rights and demolishing the value of the capital you have sunk - because the expected future earnings stream has been sliced a-priori, on the strength of nothing more than the diktat of capricious nobodies. Trujillo cannot be attacked for defending the property of investors on this count.
The departure point is the problem that Rudd’s farcical con cannot resolve, the ‘last mile’. Rudd taxing Australians for an initial liability of $42 billion (before future costs) to install fibre optic line as the answer to Telstra’s copper cable misses the problem by hundreds of miles. It is also why the Right are wrong, as typified by an article by Alan Moran in the Institute of Public Affairs‘ IPA Review:
Where’s the breadth of vision in Rudd’s broadband plan?
First, to observe, Moran is right in stating,
With the $43 billion allocated to the fibre-to-the-home network, Rudd claims to be saving us from the global financial crisis by boosting demand as well as providing infrastructure for a more productive tomorrow.
What informs Rudd’s plan is the consumption fallacy, which is problematic because the Right also adhere to it: consumption drives economic growth.
If it did, why do firms bother raising capital funds and those who extend them, savers supply entrepreneurs? Consumer spending should do the work, and this is what Rudd’s con assumes. Iff he and Swann were consistent, they would not be plotting to relieve taxpayers of billions of dollars, for by some miracle consumers alone will bring it into being.
It is no mere crack, because there is no grip on capital theory but this doesn’t disturb Rudd. The Right are voids in capital theory too, so he cannot be disturbed. By Jove, the likes of Professor Sinclair Davidson, Chris Berg, Greg Lindsay, Nicholas Gruen, and others are corkingly funny. It, capital theory, has further devastating force, which will be footnoted below.
Where Moran is astray is two counts. The first, as above, Telstra the monopoly was not cured by ‘privatisation’ and the assumption informing this, the fiction of perfect competition. The second is, the problem of the last mile:
The discussion paper on national broadband is little more than a thinly veiled proposal to force Telstra to disgorge its copper network and divest its Foxtel system or to otherwise co-operate with the Government on pain of facing regulatory discipline…
Any board must be ultra-cautious about investing in a facility that faces subsidised new competition, government hostility and punitive pricing regimes. Telstra’s fixed-line investment as a result of these factors has remained low and is falling. This has brought about a deterioration in the Australian service, which is likely to accelerate as a result of the intensified attack by the Government on the main private sector provider…
With a government business there is a great temptation to shut out competitive solutions - after all, it will be argued, we need critical mass to ensure economies of scale.
This will leave us hostage to a system that might be technologically bypassed but which will be shielded from competition to preserve the government monopoly.
What Moran assumes is; firms will not invest in capital that is open to freeloaders, in this case the latter are competitors, real or potential, of Telstra. Samuelson committed the same mistake, assuming the conclusion, when he asserted ships would not pay for U.K. lighthouses. Ships do pay for lighthouses and the reason is, shipping firms concern to protect ships and cargoes from destruction, and a genuine humanitarian concern it is too.
Even better, while it is speculative, ships’ insurers might also have paqid lighthouse firms for the service. The reason is straightforward, to minimise risk liabilities, and also for shipping firms, it keeps premiums down, illuminated by the return to the good old days of piracy on the high seas which is causing real headaches for insurers and insured.
Another example is Grand Central Station, New York. I can appreciate the likes of Rudd and the CIS, and IPA, assuming Government built it. No. It was railroad firms who jointly built it.
The reason was simple. They needed a station to connect their interstate rail services. It was to their considerable advantage to split the cost and build a single, shared station. It was co-operation, without force, nor attempts to prevent it, to do it. What, from te myth of perfect competition is said against co-operation between firms? It’s an offence, it is collusion, and firms must act blind. On this basis, those investments would not have been built because it would have eliminated to cut costs down to the bone. Likewise, it was firms who built the canals of England, to solve their logistics requirements.
Now, following Moran and Samuelson, no firm should have done that, on the assumption it ‘does not pay’. Train, ship and canal boat did/do pay. What happens at airports used by numbers of airlines! Notice something? What it means costs are kept as low as possible through the spread.
Joint investment in ‘the last mile’ of telecommunications, because telecommunications firms need it if they are to enter earnings the only way they can, connecting house and firm. We can say why, it is integral to the capital structure of firms.
The culprit is cost, due to Telestra’s monopoly over it. Telstra has no incentive to discover how to build line at lowest cost. It has every incentive to multiply costs, and exact punishing prices from other firms who might use it. Monopolies are not in the business of serving customers; they are about extraction high prices, for politicians. This is where Trujillo can be attacked for defending the indefensible.
Trujillo is asserting; without monopoly over the final mile, it will not be maintained, upgraded, and extended. That, Telstra’s share price will crumble with it. To the contrary, if telecommunications had developed in free market terms, there is the real consideration it would have been faster as well as at far lower cost than under Telecom-Telstra. That, Telstra might have realised far more valuable increases in capital as a consequence. What this means is the release of capital for new investments of higher value.
In Why copper was beaten Alan Koehler supplies some interesting comparisons, introducing them by observing:
…since Telstra put too high a price on its last-mile copper network, the customers decided to go elsewhere.
The nitty gritty of pricing and costs is telling:
…in Singapore. The Straits Times reported this week that 100Mbps residential services will be selling for $S75 a month or less ($81.50) from next year.
The firm that won the tender for a 100Mbps fibre network, Starhub, will be selling wholesale access to it for $S21 ($23) a month, which is much lower than SingTel currently charges for wholesale access to its copper (up to $S34 or $37 a month for 10Mbps services)
Trujillo is pinning some of the value of stock in Telstra to its capacity to extract monopoly prices. What should concern investors is interest, rate of earnings over time. This has been butchered by both major parties, as the price collapse on the last float of Telstra capital dramatically demonstrated (and I told friends and acquaintances not to purchase T3 for the reason and also because the Right and the Left believed they were entitled to extract a price far higher as a multiple of earnings).
There is no doubt about it, politicians and their advisers have abused investors in Telstra, badly, reflected in the heads of Telstra trying to compensate shareholders with high dividend payouts - but this shows, capital is being wasted, not effectively employed and that means all are losing, shareholders and customers. The irony is that this is all very damaging to Telstra over time. Why should investors stump up valuable capital to see it abused?
Not that it is entirely the fault of the heads of Telstra. In privatising Telstra, Left and Right couched it in regulations aimed at ensuring it remained a monopoly and the telling symptom is regulations aimed at forcing Telstra to destroy capital by subsidising consumers, inclusive of pseudo-business, and extracting revenues. They have all whipped up public passions over this, including the Right, as a number of their MPs have bluntly stated in Parliament. It has been entrenched by the aspect of the dirty floats of Telstra, with still after T3 politicians through Cabinet still exercising a controlling share in the company.Here, as only one instance, is a recent article on this serious matter:
Tensions between Telstra and Future Fund
According to The Australian Financial Review, senior figures from Telstra and the Future Fund met on March 30 where the Fund raised concerns for the telco’s strategy towards the federal government in the wake of its exclusion from the bidding process for the national broadband network.
Now, all this Trujillo properly objects to. He and the board simply desire to retain monopoly structure without the encumbering reasons why politicians impose them.
Be clear on this, I’m not attacking the integrity of Trujillo. There are those who do operate in free markets are irritable because of it, resent it. They believe in free market competition for all but their own; hence bouts of putsches for protectionist policies. Trujillo is working honourably for his company.
He’s pushing its interests, absent of a genuine free market structure of prices informing action and company structure and scale, and quite enjoy watching Trujillo biffing politicians and bureaucrats. This involves matters that require Austrian school exponents. Australia is fortunate it has at least two of them, Mr. Jackson and Dr. Frank Shostak. I say, Mr. Manners and Mr. Clough, aren’t you a tad embarrassed by a false a purchase, your stables of studs - IPA and CIS are really geldings? Or, perhaps you were blinded by the sun and so couldn’t check for the obvious, whether they came equipped with balls.
Summation
The question of telecommunications today and into the future was generated not in recent years but in the lead up to ‘privatisation’. There was no solid intellectual examination and debate prior to ‘privatisation’. It was assumed that this was the market refounding of the monopoly and its correction. Rudd’s telco con, if executed promises only greater damage, and as another bureaucratic, central planning approach to supplying telecommunications. Rudd and Swann have no way of discovering what is required, when, and the capital structure and its increase over time to develop it. It promises only greater confiscation and destruction of savings. This lunacy is rooted in the anti-intellectualism, arrogance, and conceit of the Right, who prsided over the non-free market mess.
I have raised the above because of an article I read some years ago, which I recollect in outline. It was published in The New Australian, by Mr. G. Jackson. In that article, Mr. Jackson examined ‘privatisation’ and raised considerations that challenged the assumptions behind the putsch for ‘privatisation’, given in the contrast to genuine free market reform of government monopolies. He made the central point, ‘privatisation’ does not necessarily end the monopoly. After all, the monopoly can retain its structure on that basis.
The assumption of the fiction of perfect competition compounds any errors in reasoning, which can cause great damage if applied. Indeed, the ‘privatisation’, as opposed to genuine free market reform of the Victorian Government monopolies in energy and water supply is testament to the danger today. Who did this, the Right under Kennett, as advised by the IPA and CIS. There was no debate and, because he is anti-intellectual and an economic illiterate, did not and could not consider the problems and the need of alternative sources of advice, matched by vigorous debate. He simply acted and the result, the dangers have been realised under Bracks and Brumby.
Alan Kohler wrote,Telstra needs real competition. This, from perfect competition fiction, is the myth if concentration is decisive. Look at it another way, there are other telcos already. Why aren’t they jumping in? The market is not a free market, and politicians and their advisers made sure of it. Consider what happens in a genuine free market:
Economic profits is a signal for investors and entrepreneurs to jump in and rectify the problem, inefficient supply. An entreprenuer in a free market seeing another’s costs being blown out, not serving customers, and making up earnings by piling up prices will jump in. In a free market, consequently, investors in the failure will sack those they employed to run their company and replace them with those who are competent to run capital in a free market. But, the telecommunications market is not a free market, leaving many Australians complaining of what summed up is the problem, Telstra is still a monopoly. The fight over the final mile is due to this.
Rudd’s con won’t correct the problem. What, replace an old monopoly with a new $42+ monopoly over the final mile. Worse, it not only contains the same problem, it means further massive distortions in capital allocation in telecommunications and, considered, capital destruction. It entails an explosive cost blowout and not elimination and reduction. Where are the customers in all this. As badly abused as they are today, and more - forced to pay for the con and pay spiraling prices.
It’s not the final mile, its maintenance and development that is the problem. The mainstream media commentariat are missing this essential point, as also did the IPA. Canals, railways, and lighthouses demonstrate why. Companies can co-operate and pay for universal facilities and cut the costs of building them right down. What Rudd is planning bears no relation to this. His plan is to have a firm or two execute what he will dictate to Australians.
$42 billions and bonds
How much in bonds does Rudd aim to ‘raise’?
Companies issue bonds to raise capital funds for maintenance and addition to production capacity. This is sound, based to the valuation of capital, priced according to expected future earnings. This is capital allocation in underlying assets. This is not what Rudd’s bond issue is. It is debt raising, another heavy tax burden imposed on some but not all Australians should it pass the Senate, to fund not capital investment but consumption.
The immediate burden will not be borne by those who purchase the bonds, in expectation of being paid interest and on the maturation of the bonds, the return of the principal they supplied to Rudd for his con. This a confiscation of wealth, savings, from many Australians, to some Australians - politicians, bureaucrats, and bond holders.
The road to pelf, however, is a rocky and dangerous one also for those who buy the bonds. The Cabinet can ‘pay’ the interest and on maturation the principal in several ways or a combination:
1. The sly tax of inflation, monetary expansion by forging money. As it is, how will Rudd pay for the now over $52 billion keynesian spend up? Print hundred dollar bills round the clock? Add on the $42 billion pluc telco plan and hey, he can buy the monolith money printing machine.
Oh, Glenn Stevens of the RBA could help him out, with new rounds of monetary expansion but even now it is hitting the skids. Monetary expansion creates the false impression real savings are far higher than they are. This is why some banks did not pass on the laterst interest rate cut, and others only a fraction of it. Economic laws cannot be defied. Firms are not screaming out for financing for nothing.
2. Raise existing taxes. This would go down a treat with many already hard pressed Australians, and sack more precious capital.
3. Compel Australians to use his grand NB and pay sky high prices for the ‘privilge’. I can see many Australians carting their telecommunications equipment off to the nearest garbage dump.
He’s plotting to issue bonds in nothing that exists, that will take a long time to build and what does that mean for earnings? When is it supposed to hit ‘earnings’. So, how are bond-holders to be paid out but by making many others poorer, assuming the bonds aren’t shredded by inflation. It’s worse:
It also means taking capital away from sound production. This means further impoverishment of other Australians, shareholders to employees, and employees are shareholders through superannuation plans. Joy in the morning - buy a bond in a non-existent, pseudo business, watch the superannuation shrink in the afternoon and find a nice pay cut in the post in the evening. (Yes, I’m being sarcastic, it is not simplistic what occurs).
Not only is capital diverted, but capital formation is hampered, because it is capital that is taken from where it can be soundly used and so how is it to be replaced? Since this is so, accumulation is inhibited. Look at what is happening. Rudd plans to pile up debt and indulge in a spending spree. Take with all his grand plans, including carbon taxes, the Rudd Cabinet can ruin the vast majority of Australians and what do the Right say but:
‘Yay! Go ahead. Grind the serfs into the dust’ , as Greg Lindsay and his CIS, and the Kemps and their IPA through Professor Sinclair Davidson and Chris Berg have made very plain. If Manners and Clough reckon this is defending free markets, good luck. Though,