Chris Berg and John Humphreys’ civil replies to my criticism in Two replies (16/7/09) deserve a highly detailed and considerate response. Let me start by pointing out that leftist economists and Prime Minister Rudd have succeeded in pinning the recession on the free market. Why, because our Right have refused to debate the Austrian analysis of the boom bust cycle. These are the people who now tell me they have been influenced by Austrian thinking.
On Friday morning (17/7/09) The Australian published,
China’s growth of 7.9pc to rescue world and local economies.
According to the authors’ logic increasing exports of commodities increases economic growth. So why isn’t Nigeria, a country that exports vast quantities of oil, an economic giant? This leads me to consider an article by Paul Craig Roberts.
Roberts is an economist and a syndicated columnist. He was an assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan administration and was an Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal editorial page and Contributing Editor of National Review. In a recent article, Roberts comments on the recession, saying under low interest rates, US manufacturing was not simply hollowed out but ‘traded away’ for ‘a new economy of services’.
Attacking the idea of a ‘post-manufacturing economy’ is proper, and concern about the erosion of manufacturing a serious concern. However, Roberts is not, unlike Austrian school economists, sheeting the damage to a dreadful misunderstanding of how monetary policy really works, as does Mr. Jackson. That monetary mismanagement is the cause of recessions escapes him as it does Australia’s Right who refuse to even discuss the subject.
Challenging Roberts on this issue is important. Roberts attacks ‘globalism’, which is a vulgar word coined by the Left to attack free trade. The “Right” in Australia adopted the word as if it was etymologically sound, to the delight of Leftists. Roberts lets fly. In 2006, for example, he confidently accused economists of not ‘acknowledging the facts’ (some did, some have not) because they endorsed “globalisation”. It was “a win-win” situation they said. It is and this is, while it might seem a quibble, important not to concede to protectionists and the hard Left. He continued,
“At a time when America desperately needs the voices of educated people as a counterweight to the disinformation that emanates from the Bush administration and its supporters, economists have discredited themselves. This is especially true for “free market economists” who foolishly assumed that international labor arbitrage was an example of free trade that was benefiting Americans…after decades of struggle to regain credibility, free market economics is on the verge of another wipeout.”
Nuking the Economy, February 2006.
This is an out and out attack on free trade. Surprise, surprise! On the 15th of July, 2009, Roberts asserts:
There is no economy left to recover. The US manufacturing economy was lost to offshoring and free trade ideology. It was replaced by a mythical ‘New Economy’.
Can the Economy Recover? Roberts, 15/7/09
Free trade theory is not an ideology. Now, it might be said Roberts is a distraction. What does he have to do with Australia? Mind, the hard left is loyal to a different and international country called socialism. Roberts preaches the same economic errors that the Left spin in Australia. And they go unchallenged. Worse, not only has the Right carelessly accepted nonsense terms coined by the hard Left to attack free markets, they have even conceded such basic monstrosities as free markets ‘is an ideology’.
Peter Costello made the same claim in a tedious address to the HR Nicholls Society. This genius considers free labour markets can be nailed through legalese. He said Adam Smith initiated free market ideology. This is shocking and Smith himself would be horrified to be accused of it. Smith committed errors but not this one.
Smith was not engaged in ideology. Smith was engaged in examining what economists know to be true, that free market thinking is not an ideology, economics explains real laws. Lastly, Costello has no clue as to the origin of the phrase, laissez faire. Asked by Cobert what the government could do to promote business a French merchant replied, you can get off our backs. Exactly what Costello should have done when he was Treasurer but, instead, he multiplied the burdens.
I’ve digressed. Why? Why does the above go unchallenged by the Right as in killed stone dead in public? Peter Costello’s nonsense indicates one reason. The second reason is, and it reinforces a problem manifest, there is no genuine economic debate in Australia.
Mr. John Humphreys wrote: “… the CIS employs and publishes Austrian economists.” Then why isn’t it publishing articles that are indisputably Austrian? The reality is that the CIS does not publish any Austrian analyses. And it certainly does not publish genuine Australian Austrians. Moreover, it has totally ignored the vitally important economic points that Mr. Jackson has continually raised, including his approach to labour market reform, and that the Right has made a point of continually ignoring.
If the CIS has, for example, produced material on labour market reform that directly contradicted the nonsense that the HRNS was producing then I’ll apologise. If it didn’t then this fact reinforces the point I’ve been trying to make, ie., the Right does not engage in real economic debates. Further, if Lindsay is so “keen to hear from new people” why does he ignore Shostak and Jackson? The fact that the CIS has published stacks of materials on various stuff does nothing to refute my charge that it is ignoring the Austrian approach.
Let’s consider, for example, Ben O’Neill. Taking a sample of 12 articles by O’Neill, I didn’t find anything in them that struck me as marking him out as an Austrian. On the other hand, once you have read Jackson on economics, you cannot doubt to which school he belongs. So, John, your suggestion that by publishing Ben O’Neill the CIS has been publishing Austrian analysis is very wide of the mark. Which leaves me asking again:
Why is the CIS ignoring genuine Austrians - Jackson and Shostak, both of whom are genuinely learned in Austrian economics? Further, Jackson also seems to have a remarkable knowledge of the history of economic thought and economic history, certainly far more than any member of the Right has so far demonstrated. And, out of curiosity, why refer to an American site for Austrian economics while ignoring the one we have in Australia?
O’Neill’s items are also, to be blunt, soporific. Having read 12 of them I couldn’t face any more of it. Enough said.
On ‘diversity’ of opinion at the CIS, I’m not saying there isn’t any. In any closed ‘one view shop’ there will be ‘diversity’ between its members. A bit of haggling at the edges. This is not serious debating. Fundamentals are never challenged.
The CIS work from a bedrock of neo-classical theory. There is no debate in the CIS, John, because substantive arguments are not contested. This is why Jackson’s strict Austrian arguments on carbon taxes, manufacturing, labour markets and on down a rather long list of serious matters have been ignored. Likewise, Shostak’s material. Put it another way, if anything of their analysis and commentary is defective, why doesn’t the CIS set out where, what and why?
Capital theory, for instance, is a very important part of Austrian theory. I fail to see how the CIS can claim to be Austrians, can criticise Jackson’s analysis, and his criticisms of CIS’ claims (carbon taxes springs to mid like a hot rod colt on the race track) without addressing what is the core of the case that Jackson set out very carefully, politely and impeccably, using Austrian capital theory. Jackson isn’t ‘lilly livered’; he’s a man, so he can take the criticism. So what’s holding the CIS back? How is it to be explained that there is no debate, John? To repeat, that the CIS publishes some of Hayek’s opinions does not make them Hayekians.
Next, as John states, the CIS claims to be “one of the most successful promoters and defenders of classical liberal ideas”. There is a contradiction involved here.
The Austrians are ‘classical Liberal economists’. Classical Liberalism is a major subject in its own right. In theology, philosophy and history, classical liberalism in Europe was taking a pounding. Statists and central planners dismissed them as Romantic dreamers. The reason can be roughly summed up, most of these classical liberals lacked the very thing required to defend and advance classical liberalism, free market economics. In Germany and France, the advance of Statism and central planning, was matched by ‘marginalisation’ of free market economics. It was on the verge of being lost. It was the work of Bohm-Bawerk, Menger and von Mises that prevented this disaster. Hayek, who was already an economist, joined them because he was persuaded by the intellectual power of their work.
In other words, John, the Austrian school is firmly grounded in the history of economics and economic theory. And what does this classical history reduce to but free markets. The whole development of economic theory was guided by understanding markets and the real economic laws that the free market manifests, the quest for truth. The distinction is, the Austrian school extended this with seminal work and making theoretical advances - Bohm-Bawerk, Menger, Mises, Hayek. What is this addition to theory? Capital theory, theory of busts, and a nest of other theories, all sound, all a solid extension of economic theory. They were not inventing the wheel.
As all sound men in a sound field, they were not about reinventing the wheel. Neither did they pretend to be original. They understood themselves as standing within a tradition of seeking truth and advancing the powerful body of free market thinking. These are humble men and it stamps the work of Jackson and Shostak today.
It is a tremendous contrast to ‘neo-classical economics’. As I say, I am not an economist, I’m a layman, but why is it that I can appreciate the place of the Austrian school and the ‘club’ cannot, in particular, the self-proclaimed Hayekians the CIS. There is nothing there. It shows, there is no Austrian economist in the CIS, and there is by no stretch of the imagination any genuine debate.
John claims that the CIS and IPA are two of “the most successful promoters and defenders of classical liberal ideas”. Something blows the pretence right out of the water and it is contained in the opening remarks to this item and the citation of Roberts.
The Left in Australia now carefully avoids directly attacking free markets, which is why they stopped saying free markets. They have altered to indirect attack by narrowing their polemics to what has been falsely fixed in the public eye as the free market position, “neo-classical economics” and “neo-Liberalism”.
Quiggin used to attack directly, but after Jackson’s devastating counter attacks, Quiggin turned to using the expressions ‘neo- classical and neo-liberalism’. My estimation, after attempting to attack free markets explicitly and Hayek with it, Rudd was told to confine himself to very brief remarks and only mention those two (anti-free market) tags. The O’Neill columns are rather useful illumination of all this. Jackson tore apart Rudd’s nonsense, and exposed him for the ignorant little fatuous man that he is. (The Currency Lad rightly called Jackson’s counter attack a “tour de force”. The Right, of course, ignored Jackson’s demolition of Rudd in, Prime Minister Rudd’s misbegotten assault on the market goes unchallenged.)
The Age reported a CIS function. Greg Lindsay had invited Kevin Rudd as a guest speaker. When Rudd claimed he is an ‘economic conservative’, the Right found itself cheering - Rudd must be pro what they stand for. It never occurred to them the expression is meaningless; as the IPA also made plain on its site, through Roskam, and felt betrayed when Rudd turned on them.
Whatever gave them the notion Rudd was even a neo-Liberal? There was nothing Rudd said and did when he was on the Opposition benches to suggest this at all. Rudd is hollow, and not an Leftist ideologue but it was reasonably clear back then that if he was made Leader and then Prime Minister, the hard Left will cheer. I observed it and wrote it up on MT back then. Today the hard Left is cheering, loudly.
Rudd freely, at the function, delivered a tirade against free markets and, The Age gleefully observed, when he finished Lindsay sat in embarrassed silence. He had no defence, and so had nothing to say and thus he could not stand up and eviscerate Rudd. Rudd and his advisers walked out knowing they faced no deadly opposition from the CIS, IPA, and the rest of the ‘clubmen’.
Now let me say this:
A genuine Austrian school think tank would have relished Rudd agreeing to address it. They would have armed themselves by studying Rudd’s speeches to date, his advisers, his actions to date, including under Beattie’s Cabinet. They would prepare for anything that Rudd might have said and then let him say it and then stand up in the response speech and pulverised every falsehood and nonsense that he uttered and left him and his advisers crumpled up and blubbing. Not the CIS.
That, John, is a devastating manifestation of what the CIS is not, a genuine free market think tank and entrenching this fact, there is no economic debate. It is not the CIS that pays the price, as it were, for this myopia. It is ordinary Australians who must bear it.
Now for Chris Berg:
First off, I owe Chris an apology. He said that “I have offered to publish Gerard Jackson in the past.” I believe you Chris. It is only out of a sense genuine curiosity, therefore, that I ask you to name the articles or article that you offered to publish. This comes as a genuine surprise, particularly after your replies in a certain correspondence. After all, Chris, you did, if I recall correctly, make it plain to me that you would not publish Jackson. So there does seem to be a little confusion here.
It is very important, Chris, to fully clear up this misunderstanding on my part. Therefore, furnish me with the details and I will certainly write a full and complete apology showing where I have misled readers. I appreciate, Chris, the fact that publishing integrity is very important, and I wish to make amends in this unqualified way.
One other thing Chris. You say,
I have never met Frank Shostak, I have never met anybody who has met Frank Shostak, I have never seen any contact details for Frank Shostak. I certainly don’t have a policy of not publishing Frank Shostak, as you seem to believe I do.
Now, let me understand this, you are the editor of the IPA’s Review and claim to be dedicated to the free market cause. As an editor, you have not sought out Dr. Shostak so that he can help advance the work the IPA claims to do? One of the two finest Austrian school economists, because you’ve “never seen any contact details”? Chris, are you trying to tell readers that you have not read Brookesnews where contact details are available.
Chris objected:
Furthermore, it may surprise you that the IPA has nothing to do with the state trustees office or the office of public advocate or anything like that. You seem to believe that anything the Liberal Party has ever done bad is the fault of the IPA.
Chris, the Kennett-Stockdale policies were based on the anti-free market, privatisation notions of the IPA and CIS. The Cabinet was advised by them. The STO-OPA-VCAT was converted on those false and disastrous assumptions. The Bracks and Brumby Cabinets have maintained this shocking operation against many Victorians.
Chris, economics and polices is not a game and they are not to be decided and set by an insular few. Too many Victorians, and I mean a large number, have been put through hell because of this, and many times more have had their accounts hoovered. This is large scale. It actually does require an uncompromising criminal investigation.
I have never, Chris, said nor would it occur to me the blanket generalisation you imputed,
You seem to believe that anything the Liberal Party has ever done bad is the fault of the IPA.
What has clearly happened is as I stated. The set-up and what has unfolded as the consequence was all due to arrogance and anti-free market economics right at the very beginning. This ties in very neatly indeed with remarks made in the response to Mr. John Humphreys.
There was no debate and so, reinforced by Kennett’s arrogance, there was no feedback and so no checking, and so no correction. The same with ‘privatisation’, this was not putting the ‘government monopolies’ on to a genuine free market basis. It was how to retain them under the appearance of genuine enterprises. The objective remains the same, they are ‘cash cows’ for Cabinets, at the expense of customers. Amusingly, Kennett stated this publicly only this year and recommended it to the NSW ALP Cabinet. This is bad enough, but what the Bracks and Brumby Cabinets have proceeded to do with them shows how bad it is. Again, all due to a ‘closed shop view’, with no debate entertained at all.
We can run this right through a long list of causes. What of, for instance, labour markets? It wasn’t only the HR Nicholls Society that wrecked this cause, though they were the lead wreckers. However, the IPA and CIS, the “Right” even refused to us any of the statistics and economic case studies Jackson used to defend free labour markets! This was sheer pettiness. How can they be taken seriously when they do things like this? And forget about analysing and tackling the vitally important issues that his articles contained. These are the same people who let the enemies of free labour markets get away with murder.
For example, in 2005 The Age published an article by Kenneth Davidson attacking free labour markets. He used a paper written by New Zealand Treasury officials. They claimed that free labour markets cheapened labour and reduced investment. Other opponents of free labour markets took up the same argument. There was not a peep from the Right. Des Moore, Ray Evans, John Stone, for example, remained stonily silent, including the CIS. Fortunately Jackson, using Austrian theory, stepped into the breach and completely destroyed the argument. Naturally his work was completely ignored by the Right. If it were not for him this argument would have still remained unchallenged.
Liberal Government and labour market reform: more fallacious attacks
In 2006 the Sydney Morning Herald published an article by Ross Gittins. Using the work of Professors Paul Frijters and Bob Gregory he argued that lowering labour costs would have no significant effect on the demand for labour. Once again there was silence from the Right. Once again Jackson saved the day by stepping into the breach and completely destroying the argument. And once again his work was ignored by those on the Right, particularly the H. R, Nicholls Society, who claim to value a “diversity of opinion”, leaving me wondering what exactly do they mean by “diversity”.
Minimum wages and capital accumulation: lefty economists fail again
All of this is just more evidence that the Right’s claim to value differences of opinion is bogus and self-serving.
Disasters, Chris, a litany of disasters and all due to the ‘club’. The ‘one view, closed club’. All ‘in each others pockets’, reinforced by its control over the Victorian Liberal Party. Victorians and Australians bear the brunt of the consequences, Chris, and not that lot and I say this, Chris, you carefully consider the STO-OPA-VCAT set-up and its many victims - it draws things out rather forcefully. This attempt to wriggle around and out when the evidence is uncompromising and overwhelming is not a good look.
A reply to ESS
ESS considers that I
smeared von Mises by describing his work as polemical!!!! You turd. You are in no position to describe Mises work a polemic. No wonder the Mises Institute won’t publish your rubbish.
Next to not reading the von Mises Institute for reasons indicated in the article of yesterday, I have not approached them to have articles published. It would never occur to me to seek publication in economic journals full stop, for the very good reason stated a number of times, I’m a layman. Furthermore, I’m not seeking to have articles in any journals published. I’m content with what I am writing on MT, because of a job that must be done.
(There is something but I haven’t fully developed it as yet, and it is not in economics and thus not for an economics journal. It requires depth in shcolarship. I have let it sit and unless it is completely worked up there is no point in even considering publishing it.)
To describe von Mises’ Planned Chaos as a polemical tract is no insult to it and von Mises at all, as anyone who is well read knows. For the benefit of ESS, it is a particular type of genre that is honourable and is an ancient tradition. It is for the purpose of public debate, involving attacking other positions, irrespective of whether sound or not. The art of polemic is to apply and relate fundamental learning that explains and arms the layman, while eviscerating the other position. Irenaeus did this in a stunning, for the times, and humorous tract against Gnosticism, Adversus Haereses. With that single tract he single-handedly killed it stone dead.
One day I picked up a rarity because such texts are not published in Australia, in the original Greek. Unfortunately, that day, having read about 15 pages I laid it down and left it behind at a bus stop. The book was a second century AD polemic against Christianity. It was at once both technical and hilarious. Polemics between Christians and non-Christians was lively and debates hard fought, because vital principles were at stake and the public had to be persuaded.
Polemics is not about shifting an opponent, though it is a bonus if it occurs. It is about discrediting the opponent’s position and explaining why this position is good, to convince the voting public. This is what Planned Chaos was about, and it is why the Left crumpled up in pain.
Von Mises’ polemical tract assumes economics. The Left knew it, and still know it and they knew and know there is no answer to it. They knew it hurt them where it really counts, the voting public. Jackson’s Brookesnews articles are excellent polemical tracts for Australians today and so is Shostak’s and let me illustrate -
Can technology prevent a recession?
Both of them nail points and explanations and shred hostile positions crisply and swiftly.
ESS asks, “Dougie, how do you get to read Dr Shostak if you don’t read the Mises Institute…” Let’s spell it out for ESS in big letters, Brookesnews publishes Dr. Shostak. ESS has now admitted that he doesn’t read Brookesnews, which is amusing since he set himself up as its greatest critic.
I won’t comment on the rest of ESS’s remarks but to observe one thing Chris Berg evades. ESS and Yoyo, not me, dragged Dr. Shostak’s name and Jackson’s in with malice, to smear them. It was Ess, Chris, who stated in comments that you told lies about Jackson.
Now, Chris, as you can appreciate, I don’t need ESS’ malicious ‘contributions’ to launch criticism of the IPA, CIS, HR Nicholls Society, and Online Opinion. He and Yoyo is a problem for you and the IPA, not me. And ESS is unmistakeably malicious.
Keep it up, ESS, and I shall have to ‘boot’ you. I enjoy robust fights, not squashing delinquent, tantrum throwing children - it’s not sporting.